A very brief introduction to Secular cycles.
Prophecies of doom are nothing new. A particularly well-known such prophet was Thomas Robert Malthus. The storybook fable is that he predicted that, due to the rising number of horses, by the end of the 19th century London would be under 5 feet of horse manure. Though Malthus never made such a prediction (that such a prediction was ever made at all seems to be apocryphal), what he did predict was rather more dire: a lowering of real wages as surplus resources diminished to nothing.
This is a
rather bleak model of human existence, and one which makes a concrete
prediction: population rises until it has reached the carrying capacity of the
available land. At this stage, population remains stable. If some external
factor (such as poor harvest) lowers the population, we’d expect real wages to
immediately recover as the supply of available labor falls. If population
somehow crosses this threshold, we’d expect the lack of resources to force
population back towards the equilibrium value.
Mathematically,
this model is quite simple: : N is the population, K is the maximum carriable
population (let’s call it the Malthusian limit), and
is the growth
rate of the uninhibited population. Dire! Let’s look at an example and test
this theory out: the black death. What do we predict? Simply put, we expect
real wages (income relative to commodity prices) to rise sharply with the
decrease in labor supply. This excess surplus will then cause the population to
rebound within a generation or two as households now have plentiful resources.
However, that’s
not what we see! Firstly, population had already begun to decline around 1300.
Secondly, despite the now ample wages, the population remains low and doesn’t
significantly rebound up until the end of the 15th century!
Perhaps our model
was too naïve? Looking carefully, we might notice that the population around
the end of the Plantagenet period displays a similar trend to that at the beginning.
But what could cause this multi-century long cyclical population pattern?
What we’ve looked
at is called ‘First order feedback’, effects on a short time scale (time scale
in the technical sense here, of a characteristic period of a certain kind of
effect). Quoting directly from Peter Turchin:
“For example, in
a territorial mammal, as soon as population has increased to the point where
all available territories are occupied, any surplus animals become
nonterritorial “floaters” with poor survival rates and zero reproductive
prospects. Thus, as soon as population numbers reach the carrying capacity
determined by the total number of territories, population growth rate is
reduced to zero without any time lag. Some regulatory processes, however, act
on a slow timescale (these are second order feedbacks). The paradigmatic
example of a second-order dynamical process in animal ecology is the
interaction between predators and prey. When a population of prey reaches a
high enough density for a predator population to begin increasing, there is no
immediate effect on the prey’s population growth rate. This happens because it
takes time for the predator numbers to increase to the level where they begin
affecting prey numbers. Furthermore, once there are many predators, and the
prey population has started collapsing, the predators continue to drive prey numbers
down. Even though there are few prey, and most predators are starving, it takes
time for predators to die out. As a result, second-order population feedbacks
act with a substantial lag and tend to induce oscillations.”
But humans are
the apex predators, so what could explain oscillations? Well, the only
competition humans have is other humans! Suppose that in a state we have some level
of internal warfare, . This internal warfare, be it crime, state
oppression, or civil war, causes additional deaths every year:
. The reduction in the Malthusian limit is due to the
fact that warfare decreases the carrying capacity in some manner (torched farmland,
overconsumption, market uncertainty driving down prices, or in any other way).
As a very crude
approximation for the level of internal warfare, we can say it is proportional to
the physical population density: every time two people bump into each other,
there is some (very low, though obviously society dependent!) portion of the
time the interaction escalates into violence. So, . However, conflicts also have some rate at which they
die out, so
.
In the presence
of a state however, we’d expect some proportion of state resources to be put towards
internal conflict resolution. In the short term, this is done for the benefit
of whoever sits at the top. But it doesn’t matter who it is, nobody wants a
civil war against them! So, if state resources are , then
.
How many resources
does the state have? We’d expect there to be more resources the more people
there are, but this isn’t quite right! If there are more people in a state, there
must be more state expenditure (if only to better extract resources).
Furthermore, barring extreme and unsustainable emergencies, the state cannot
tax anything but the surplus production of the population (surplus, that is,
above bare subsistence). Well, how much surplus production is there? We know
that at saturation, there’s none! The simplest model then is that surplus
production per person falls linearly: . Total surplus production is then
. Putting it all together,
.
And would you
look at that; we have a model! What are its dynamics? How does each variable
change with time?
The specifics of
differences between societies can alter these dynamics drastically: the mechanics
of surplus extraction are tied up with the differentiation of the population
between elite and commoner. These dynamics are highly culturally specific, in
such a way that more elites and more elite production leads to a shorter cycle,
about 100-150 years. This is in contrast to societies with fewer new elites,
where the cycle typically lasts between 200-300 years.
Which societies produce more elites? Typically
Polygamous ones, of course!
A small note to
end things: What changes between cycles? At least in the west, we don’t see a
reversion to the exact same population level each cycle, indeed we see some
underlying growth.
Of course, the exact
proportionality constants change with time. For example, in generations immediately
following the devastation of civil wars, conflicts are less likely due to the wariness
learned by those affected by the horrors of war. Even when war is the best
option! Their children, however, will have no such inhibitions. These are
shorter term, first order feedback trends occurring on the scale of generations:
20 to 30 years, not the millennial trends we’re after!
So what does
change at this slower timescale? It’s the Malthusian limit! Over time, society
and technology evolve such that each cycle, there is slightly more surplus than
last time. The mechanisms for such growth are varied: new farmland due to
favorable climate conditions, new varieties of foodstuffs, new agricultural
practices, better breeding techniques, etc.
So, what might
have changed since 1800? Well, obviously technology has improved rapidly. So
rapidly in fact, that the Malthusian limit has kept growing and growing, at a
timescale even faster than the generational cycle! Though the population never
reaches anywhere near the Malthusian limit anyways, this is still a profound
difference.
Second, and this
is just my speculation, another profound shift occurred around the beginning of
the 18th century, with the British south seas company. The details
are a story for another time, but basically Britain invented a way to unleash
the cap on state resources. Whilst not literally infinite, a government with a
good track record can basically raise as much money as it needs, regardless of
the surplus production of its citizens. Obviously, there have been civil wars
in countries with these mechanisms in place, but I believe it might invalidate
certain parts of this model.
So what have we learned?
Less than I’d have wanted, if I’d had more time I’d use this background to now
observe various societies and their differences. How Islamic societies have a
shorter cycle than European ones, how external factors effect this, and how we
might use this model to predict the demographics of the future. But I think I’ve
left you with enough to ponder for now.
Hey, this is the first time I've used this blog for its intended purpose, at least since my very first posts!
Happy Hannukah.
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